"A Country That Prays Despite Being Non-religious" - Where Does Japanese Faith Lie?

During the New Year, many people visit shrines. They purify their hands with water, ring the bell, perform two bows, two claps, and one bow, and wish for health, success in exams, or business prosperity for the year. In summer, they return to their hometowns to visit graves and welcome ancestors during Obon. Homes have Buddhist altars where incense is offered on memorial days. At local festivals, portable shrines are carried, and families in festive attire gather at shrines to celebrate children's growth during Shichi-Go-San.

However, when asked, "Do you believe in religion?" many people respond with "No," or say, "I don't have any particular faith," or "I'm non-religious." They visit shrines, participate in grave visits, and pray at Buddhist altars, yet do not consider themselves "religious people."

This seemingly contradictory behavior might be the most important entry point for understanding Japanese religious views.

A new study by researchers from Doshisha University and Hokkaido University aims to re-examine Japanese religiosity through the three aspects of "affiliation," "belief," and "practice." Traditional religious surveys often assume that religion involves belonging to a specific religious group, believing in clear doctrines, and regularly participating in worship or rituals. This framework is understandable as a social survey model developed mainly in Christian societies.

However, applying this framework directly to Japan makes it difficult to see reality, because in Japan, religious actions are not necessarily linked to religious self-awareness.

In this study, data from a nationally representative survey conducted in Japan in 2024, analyzing responses from over 4,000 people, was used. The questions examined how respondents express their religious stance, what rituals they participate in, and their thoughts on gods and the afterlife.

The results showed that over 40% of respondents described themselves as "non-religious" or "atheists," yet many of them participated in rituals such as shrine visits and ancestor memorials. In Japan, having no religious identity does not necessarily mean not engaging in religious or traditional practices.

This result likely resonates with the experiences of many Japanese people.

"Going to shrines is more of a habit than religion."
"Visiting graves is more about family respect than faith."
"I buy amulets, but it's not because I believe in a specific deity."
"Praying at the Buddhist altar is a time to remember the deceased."

These feelings are not uncommon in Japanese society. There is a religiosity embedded in daily life that cannot be captured by a binary view of belief or non-belief, affiliation or non-affiliation.

The study particularly focuses on the nuance of the word "religion" in Japanese. When "religion" is mentioned in Japan, many people think of specific religious organizations, doctrines, proselytizing, organizations, and sometimes new religions that have become social issues. This includes impressions of something to be kept at a distance, something that deeply intrudes into personal life, or something to be wary of.

On the other hand, shrines, temples, festivals, grave visits, Buddhist altars, and annual events are closer to "culture," "tradition," "family events," or "local customs" for many people than "religion." Therefore, people engage in religious actions without calling themselves religious.

This structure is deeply related to Japan's religious history. Over a long period, Shinto, Buddhism, folk beliefs, and ancestor worship have overlapped in Japan. Before the separation of Shinto and Buddhism in the Meiji period, shrines and temples were often closely connected. In homes, Buddhist altars symbolize connections with ancestors, and in communities, shrine festivals have supported communal bonds. Modern statehood, post-war separation of religion and state, caution towards new religions, urbanization, and demographic changes have all contributed to the current complex religious landscape.

This study aims to interpret this complexity not as a "contradiction" but as "layeredness."

For example, it is not unusual in the Japanese context for someone to choose both "Buddhist" and "familiar with Shinto." Some people have Buddhist-style funerals, visit shrines for New Year's, enjoy Christmas as an event, and have chapel-style weddings. From the outside, this may seem inconsistent, but for those involved, each action is a natural behavior tied to life events, seasons, family relationships, and social customs.

In Western religious views, religion is often explained by internal beliefs about "what one believes in." However, in Japan, the practice aspect of "how one behaves," "which events are valued," and "with whom memories are shared" is significant. Embodied actions like annual events and ancestor memorials may demonstrate religiosity more than confessions of faith.

This theme is often debated on social media.

Although the Phys.org article itself is newly published and widespread reactions or comments are not yet visible, similar reactions are repeatedly seen in posts about Japanese religious views and discussions on overseas forums. A typical response is, "I also consider myself non-religious, but I do visit shrines and graves, so I can relate to these research findings." For Japanese readers, the content presented by the study is more of a familiar articulation of their daily lives than a surprise.

On the other hand, overseas reactions often question, "Is it religion or culture?" Acts like praying at shrines, ringing bells at temples, and visiting ancestral graves appear religious from the outside. However, when the person says, "It's not religion," how should that self-perception be treated? This discrepancy often sparks discussions on social media.

Additionally, discussions sometimes expand to "Why does Japan have social order despite having little faith?" In response, many argue that explaining morality or social order solely through the presence or absence of religion is overly simplistic. Japan's social order is intertwined with multiple factors, including education, community, social pressure, legal systems, historical customs, and the culture of shame.

Furthermore, on social media, there are observations that "Japanese people are not averse to religion but are cautious about religious organizations." The 1995 Aum Shinrikyo incident and political and social issues surrounding the former Unification Church have heightened the distance from the word "religion." While there is familiarity with shrines and temples, the words "religious organization" and "conversion" are approached with caution. This dual perception is essential for understanding contemporary Japanese religious consciousness.

What is important here is not to conclude that "Japanese people are actually religious but unaware of it." Rather, it is necessary to acknowledge that the definition of the word "religion" itself varies by culture.

What is "religion"?

Is it believing in a god?
Is it belonging to a religious group?
Is it worshiping regularly?
Is it commemorating the dead?
Is it respecting nature and ancestors?
Is it performing rituals at life milestones?
Or is it forming a relationship with something beyond oneself?

The answer to this question varies greatly by society. In Japan, religion often appears not as a clear creed but as the rhythm of life, family memories, local festivals, and seasonal events. Therefore, whether you ask "Do you believe in religion?" or "Do you visit shrines or temples?" or "Do you perform ancestor memorials?" can yield completely different results.

The methodological issue pointed out by this study lies precisely there. A slight change in the phrasing of questions can significantly alter the perceived proportion of "religious people." Asking "Do you have a religion?" might show a low percentage, while asking "What do you think about gods or the afterlife?" reveals a different picture. Asking "Do you participate in rituals?" presents yet another image of Japanese people.

This is not an issue unique to Japan. It is also an important challenge for East Asia as a whole and for global comparative research. If the measures of religiosity worldwide are based on specific religious cultures, there will inevitably be aspects that remain unseen. Whether people attend church, believe in a specific god, or belong to a denomination alone cannot fully measure how they engage with transcendence, the deceased, nature, community, and life milestones.

Japan's religious landscape is, in a sense, not "thin" but "widely dispersed." It is not strongly unified as an institution. It does not manifest as weekly worship participation or clear doctrinal understanding. However, it is scattered throughout life in forms such as New Year's shrine visits, Obon grave visits, funerals, ground-breaking ceremonies, Shichi-Go-San, exorcisms, exam success prayers, traffic safety prayers, temple stamps, festivals, Buddhist altars, memorial tablets, and incense.

Therefore, Japanese religiosity is closer to "in which situations and what kind of relationships are formed" rather than "whether one believes or not."

For example, people who visit shrines before exams may not systematically believe in the existence of gods. Yet, they find meaning in the act of praying in the face of uncertainties beyond their control. Those wishing for recovery from illness are not denying scientific medicine. People who pray at graves may not clearly believe in the afterlife but need time to speak to the deceased.

If such actions are dismissed as "not religion," the human activities present there are overlooked. Conversely, labeling everything as "religion" from the outside may distance it from the individual's perception. Japanese religiosity lies in between. It is religion, culture, habit, family memory, and community connection.

Therefore, this study is not merely stating that "Japanese people were actually religious." Rather, it is throwing back the question of "what does it mean to be religious?" to us.

The interest in social media reactions is because this question is directly connected to personal experiences. People consider themselves non-religious, yet visit temples and shrines during the New Year. They visit grandparents' graves. They naturally straighten their posture in front of household altars. They feel uneasy about treating amulets carelessly. In times of disaster or illness, they find themselves in a mindset akin to praying.

Whether to call it religion or not.

There is no single answer.

In modern Japan, religion often exists not as something to "belong to" but as something to "pass through." At life milestones, seasonal changes, family memories, local festivals, and moments of anxiety or wishes, people pass through religious spaces and rituals. After passing through, they return to everyday life. They may not call themselves believers, yet these actions are passed down within society.

How to understand this soft, ambiguous, and sometimes contradictory religiosity is a key to interpreting Japanese society.

Are Japanese people non-religious?

The most accurate answer to that question is probably "it's not that simple." Many Japanese people keep a distance from belonging to specific religious organizations or making clear confessions of faith. However, they continue actions that can be called religious or cultural in their relationships with shrines, temples, ancestors, nature, seasons, family, and community.

Praying despite not believing.
Participating despite not belonging.
Saying it's not religion while placing themselves in religious settings.

This ambiguity is not a flaw. Rather, it is a central feature that shapes Japan's religious landscape.

What this study has shown is that measuring religion requires more nuanced words and measures. Japanese religiosity is not in the clarity of doctrine or strength of affiliation but in the customs, memories, prayers, and connections between people that remain in everyday life.

It is not something that speaks loudly of faith. However, it certainly exists in the moments of praying at the shrine during New Year, the time spent gazing at incense smoke at graves, the nights when festival drums echo through the streets, and the silence of remembering the deceased in front of the Buddhist altar.

Japanese religiosity might be an unnamed faith and a prayer dissolved into daily life.

Source URL

Based on a research introduction from Doshisha University on Phys.org, the original article organizes Japan's religious identity, participation in rituals, and belief discrepancies.
https://phys.org/news/2026-05-japan-complex-religious-landscape.html

EurekAlert! research release. Used for confirming research overview, survey subjects, paper title, DOI, researcher information, and funding information.
https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/1127242

Official release from Doshisha University's Research Development Promotion Organization. Used for confirming research content, survey of over 4,000 people, over 40% identifying as non-religious or atheists, and estimation differences due to question wording.
https://research.doshisha.ac.jp/news/news-detail-97/

DOI of the paper published in the Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. Reference for the original paper "Ambiguous Boundaries of Religious Belief, Behavior, and Belonging in Japan."
https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.70065

Global East Survey of Religion and Spirituality project page. Used for confirming the survey framework that attempts to measure East Asian religiosity through multiple affiliations, beliefs, and practices.
https://globaleast.org/project/global-east-survey/

AP News "The Nones: Japan." Used as supplementary background on Japanese religious culture, including temple stamps, shrine visits, non-religious self-identification, Shinto-Buddhist events, and caution towards religious organizations.
https://projects.apnews.com/features/2023/the-nones/the-nones-japan.html

Aeon "Religion without belief." Used for background understanding of ritual participation without belief in Japan and the Western-centric nature of the concept of religion.
https://aeon.co/essays/can-religion-be-based-on-ritual-practice-without-belief

Related discussions on Reddit. Used as a reference for SNS and forum reactions regarding Japan's non-doctrinal, non-affiliative religiosity, social norms, morality, and cultural relations.
https://www.reddit.com/r/Catholicism/comments/1kr2ctx/why_does_japan_largely_non_doctrinal_in_religion/